Four of five women who delivered the declaration: (L-R) Matilda Joslyn Gage, Lillie Devereux Blake, Susan B. Anthony, and Phoebe Couzins.

On July 4, 1876, 100 years after the signing of the Declaration of Independence, members of the National Woman Suffrage Association crashed the Centennial Celebration at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, to present the “Declaration of the Rights of Women.”

The declaration was signed by noted suffragists Susan B. Anthony, Matilda Joslyn Gage, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Read more about this at event at Ms. Magazine and read the full document at the Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony Papers Project.

Explore an earlier period of the women’s suffrage movement in “Seneca Falls, 1848: Women Organize for Equality,” a role play that allows students to examine issues of race and class when exploring both the accomplishments and limitations of the Seneca Falls Convention.

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In the standard story, the suffrage crusade began in Seneca Falls in 1848 and ended with the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. But this overwhelmingly white women’s movement did not win the vote for most Black women. Securing their rights required a movement of their own.

In Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote, and Insisted on Equality for All, acclaimed historian Martha S. Jones offers a new history of African American women’s political lives in the United States. She recounts how they defied both racism and sexism to fight for the ballot, and how they wielded political power to secure the equality and dignity of all persons.

From the earliest days of the republic to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act and beyond, Jones excavates the lives and work of Black women — Maria Stewart, Mary Ann Shadd Cary, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, Fannie Lou Hamer, Stacey Abrams, and more — who were the vanguard of the fight for women’s rights. [Publisher’s description.]

Below is an audiogram from Jones’ talk at the Teach the Black Freedom Struggle People’s Historians online class with Martha Jones on Reconstruction, Citizenship, and Suffrage.

Also, check out the 2022 online class, Martha Jones on Black Women in the Fight for Voting Rights.

Reviews

Martha Jones is the political historian of African American women. And this book is the commanding history of the remarkable struggle of African American women for political power. The more power they accumulated, the more equality they wrought. All Americans would be better off learning this history and grasping just how much we owe equality’s vanguard. ―Ibram X. Kendi, author of Stamped from the Beginning

Bold, ambitious, and beautifully crafted, Vanguard represents more than two hundred years of Black women’s political history. From Jarena Lee to Stacey Abrams, Martha S. Jones reminds her readers that Black women stand as America’s original feminists — women who continue to remind America that it must make good on its promises. ―Erica Armstrong Dunbar, author of Never Caught and She Came to Slay

ISBN: 9781541600256 | Basic Books

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Septima Clark (center), Alice Wine, and Bernice Robinson (standing) at a Citizenship School in the South Carolina Sea Islands. Late 1950s.

In the dawn of the Civil Rights Movement, Bernice Robinson, a beautician from South Carolina, becomes the first teacher in the Citizen Education Schools, teaching African American adults to read to pass the voter registration requirements in the South.

They Say I’m Your Teacher is a documentary short about the Citizen Education Schools, created from the 16mm archives of the groundbreaking 1985 film, You Got to Move. The film, produced by The Literacy Project, can be streamed online in English and Spanish.

They Say I’m Your Teacher from Lucy Massie Phenix on Vimeo.

Also, in Spanish: Dicen que soy su maestra (9 mins)

Watch three more short films from the documentary You Got to Move: Stories of Change in the South.

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By Ricardo Levins Morales. Available as a poster, click image to learn more.

This year marks the 150th anniversary of the ratification of the 15th Amendment, which promised “the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.” Given the dizzying array of disruptions to our lives in this moment of pandemic, one could be forgiven for failing to register this anniversary. But the fight for voting rights enshrined in the 15th Amendment is still very much alive, and more critical now than ever — and needs to be taught to every student in this country.

The coronavirus pandemic makes in-person voting dangerous, literally a potential death sentence. Indeed, when Wisconsin recently failed to postpone in-person voting, infected people voted and likely infected others. And the people most vulnerable to coronavirus are also the most likely to already face disproportionate obstacles to voting: Black, Brown, and Indigenous communities, the elderly, the poor, the incarcerated. Voting rights activists are calling for immediate implementation of measures that are basic, long overdue, and which will protect the health of all voters: extension of early voting, online registration options, universal mail-in-ballots. But Republican legislatures across the country balk, citing logistical barriers and the dangers of “voter fraud.” Voter fraud, as all recent reputable studies agree, is very, very rare in the United States. A 2014 investigation published in The Washington Post found only 31 instances (out more than 1 billion ballots) of voter impersonation fraud. Recently, however, President Trump has dispensed with even the pretense of the fraud argument and made clear the Republican Party’s real concerns. As he told Fox News, implementation of vote-by-mail and other prodemocratic measures would create “levels of voting that if you’d ever agreed to it, you’d never have a Republican elected in this country again.”

From voter ID laws to voter-roll purges, gerrymandering to poll closures, on the 150th anniversary of the 15th Amendment, the right to vote is under attack and the stakes are high. It is critical that students learn about the fight for voting rights, past and present. Textbooks will be of little use. Though the book adopted by my school district outside of Portland, Oregon, to teach 10th- and 11th-grade U.S. history, National Geographic’s America Through the Lens (2019), mentions the 15th Amendment, adopted in 1870, the 19th Amendment, adopted in 1920, and the Voting Rights Act, passed 45 years later, the story ends there. The text offers the false impression that the history of voting rights in the United States is a hopeful tale of steady progress, culminating in 1965. It provides them no context to understand our current moment.

A good place to begin a study of today’s voting rights struggles is Reconstruction, a time when, as Rethinking Schools editor Adam Sanchez notes, “Black lives mattered.” Using a role play written by Rethinking Schools curriculum editor Bill Bigelow, students in my classroom imagine themselves newly freed in the months immediately following emancipation and wrestle with the key questions of freedpeople — how to access land, political power, safety, and education. There is disagreement among my 21st-century students — as there was among the real 19th-century freedpeople — about what should happen to Confederate leaders (execution? amnesty?) and about whether to grow cotton to appease Northern elites or permanently renounce a crop that one cannot eat and that is so closely connected with slavery. But about voting, students rarely disagree. Trying to imagine themselves as freedpeople, they see the vote as critical to all their other aspirations. In follow-up discussion of this activity, we reflect on what really happened during the Reconstruction Era. Students are outraged to learn that plantations were returned to Confederates rather than allocated to freedpeople. But they celebrate the 15th Amendment, which immediately extended the vote to nearly 500,000, mostly formerly enslaved, Black men across the South. Like freedpeople themselves, my students see the right to vote as fundamental to freedom.

Fundamental, but not secure. In the years following the passage of the 15th Amendment, myriad forms of racism — violence, devious new voting qualifications, economic exploitation, denial of education — combined to neuter the 15th Amendment and disenfranchise millions of Black people. By the middle of the 20th century, less than 7 percent of eligible African Americans in Mississippi were registered to vote. Though white supremacists succeeded in their campaign of disenfranchisement, Black people and their allies never stopped demanding the franchise, through legal action, civil disobedience, and mass politics.

Frances Harper

Though my textbook makes little connection between Reconstruction and the Civil Rights Movement — indeed they are separated by hundreds of pages in its relentlessly chronological march through history — it was the unceasing activism of Black people, and others, that led to the passage of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) and finally secured the promises of the 15th Amendment for millions of voters. In the voting rights mixer lesson I wrote for the Zinn Education Project, students appreciate this full-circle moment. Through role play, students encounter dozens of stories, across centuries, about the fight for voting rights. They learn about the achievements of the Reconstruction Era when they “meet” figures like Frances Harper, Frederick Douglass, and William T. Combash — and how Reconstruction promises were restored, renewed, and reinvigorated by later activists like Fannie Lou Hamer, Lawrence Aaron Nixon, and Lamar Smith. From Elzie McGill, an activist from Lowndes County, Alabama, students learn that by outlawing many of the voting qualifications used to deny Black people their 15th Amendment rights, as well as requiring strong federal oversight of state and local elections, the VRA was one of the most effective pieces of legislation in U.S. history. It resulted in the immediate registration of hundreds of thousands of new Black voters.

In a typical U.S. history textbook, the struggle for voting rights ends in 1965. Textbooks describe the VRA — rightly — as a major victory for democracy and the Civil Rights Movement. My students’ textbook, National Geographic’s America Through the Lens, was published in 2019, and even covers the 2016 election, but it does not mention the fight for voting rights — or the rise of new forms of voter suppression — since 1965. A number of other textbooks I consulted end their coverage of voting rights at the VRA too, with a couple mentioning the passage of the 26th Amendment in 1971.

“ALEC Crow: 21st century disenfranchisement brought to you by the Koch Bros.” Source: DonkeyHotey via Flickr.

Though our students’ textbooks suggest otherwise, the fight to vote is very much alive, which is why the lesson I described above also includes more than a dozen examples of recent voter suppression and activism, presented alongside those of earlier eras. When students encounter side-by-side stories of 19th-century property requirements, 20th-century poll taxes, and 21st-century voter ID requirements, the lesson is clear: Antidemocratic measures that keep the vote out of the hands of the poor are not bygones of a less enlightened era, but recurring motifs in the U.S. story. Why, students wonder, is voting suppression back in vogue?

Over the last decade, the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), the right-wing group that develops “model” legislation, has sought to transform U.S. politics at the state level, including through voter suppression. ALEC crafts cookie-cutter versions of proposed laws that are brought to states, to realize a conservative utopia of deregulation, tax breaks, and massive disinvestment from public spending. In 2011, ALEC made voting qualifications one of its priorities, and 33 states introduced so-called “voter ID laws” in that year alone. These laws require burdensome forms of identification to vote — forms of identification that are less common among poor and nonwhite voters. The calculus is as obvious as it is abhorrent. Poor, Black, and brown voters are the least likely to support ALEC’s legislative agenda and the most likely to be blocked from voting by these new laws.

As students participating in the voting rights mixer learn from people like Aracely Calderon and Maggie Coleman, ALEC’s agenda of disenfranchisement got a boost from the Supreme Court in 2013 in Shelby County v. Holder, when it ruled that a critical piece of the Voting Rights Act was unconstitutional. Since 1965, the VRA required that locales with an established history of voter suppression or discrimination get permission — “preclearance” — from the federal government before changing voting rules or registration qualifications. State and local governments had to prove to regulators that the new policies had no discriminatory intent toward nor disparate impact upon historically disenfranchised groups — before making any changes. By doing away with preclearance, Shelby gave states the power to pass new legislation related to voting with no oversight.

Source: Michael Fleshman via Flickr.

The lethal combination of conservative activists like ALEC and the hands-off approach signaled by the Supreme Court means voter suppression is on the rise. According to the Brennan Center, 25 states have enacted new voting restrictions since 2010.

Seemingly each day brings a new example. Georgia purged voter rolls. North Dakota refused to allow Native Americans to use their tribal identification to vote. In spite of the overwhelming decision of Floridians to reinstate voting rights of convicted felons, the Republican-controlled legislature enacted a modern-day poll tax to block them. Although my textbook mentions Russian interference in the 2016 election, it is completely silent on this other kind of “interference” in the democratic process.

The assault on the right to vote is fierce, but so is the resistance. Organizations like the ACLU and the NAACP’s Legal Defense Fund have been active on the legal front, challenging each new law, appealing each bad ruling. At the heart of these cases are would-be, should-be voters who will not go quietly. Voters like Ms. Rosanell Eaton, a 94-year-old Black North Carolinian, who made 10 trips to the Division of Motor Vehicles and drove more than 200 miles to get a required form of voter identification because the name on her driver’s license did not exactly match her voter registration. Or voters like Gladys Harris, whom students meet in the mixer, a 66-year-old Black woman with disabilities from Wisconsin whose three forms of identification did not satisfy the state’s strict voter ID requirements.

Activists are, as always, critical to the organizing against voter suppression. In North Dakota, the Lakota People’s Law Project raises funds for and organizes volunteers to distribute free identification with street addresses to thousands of Native Americans who would otherwise be turned away at the polls for lack of a proper ID. All over the country, activists use their own cars, often taking unpaid time off of work, to ferry elderly relatives or community members to faraway polling stations or to obtain the new forms of identification required for voting. My textbook details the dueling platforms of the two main-party candidates in the 2016 presidential election, but says nothing about their positions on voter ID laws or the Shelby case.

As I write this article in April 2020, I am sitting in my 2nd-floor office (read: bedroom), with the murmurs of my husband videoconferencing with his middle school science students in the next room, and the tinny sound of my child’s Zoom violin lesson on the floor below. It is hard to recall that there was a time before the coronavirus shutdown of schools, a time when the curriculum calendar showed April as the month in which my U.S. history students would — in our brick and mortar classroom — read Fannie Lou Hamer, watch Eyes on the Prize, and learn about the fight for voting rights, past and present.

But here we are. And though I am uncertain exactly how I will carry forward my voting rights curriculum during this period of school closure and emergency online education, it is urgent that I do so.

Voting rights expanded in the 1960s, with increased grassroots and government action through laws like the Voting Rights Act of 1965. In the 21st century, these gains have been removed at the highest levels of power, notably through the Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder decision.

The 15th Amendment was ratified in 1870 thanks to 19th-century anti-racist visionaries and activists. The Voting Rights Act was enacted in 1965 thanks to 20th-century visionaries and activists. It will be left to 21st-century visionaries and activists to demand a renewal of our government’s commitment to voting rights. For educators, we need to nurture those visionaries and activists in our classrooms, whether online or in person. One way to start is to push back against textbooks’ erasure of the modern fight for the vote at the same time we teach lessons that bring those struggles to life.

Voting Rights Toolkit

The Zinn Education Project has partnered with Color of Change on a campaign to mark the 150th Anniversary of the 15th Amendment. The campaign offers Who Gets to Vote? Teaching About the Struggle for Voting Rights in the United States, a classroom unit with three lessons, and A Toolkit for Voting Rights Advocates by Color of Change.

This article is part of the Zinn Education Project’s If We Knew Our History series.

Originally published as “A lesson on voting rights — and suppression — during a pandemic that students won’t learn in textbooks” in The Washington Post on April 6, 2020 in the “Answer Sheet” column by Valerie Strauss.

© 2020 The Zinn Education Project, a project of Rethinking Schools and Teaching for Change.

The post What Our Students Should Know About the Struggle for the Ballot — but Won’t Learn from Their Textbooks appeared first on Zinn Education Project.

As the jacket explains, when a 2013 U.S. Supreme Court decision (known as the Shelby ruling) undid the protections offered by the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the floodgates opened to voter suppression on a whole new scale. From photo ID requirements to gerrymandering and poll closures, this book explores the ways that racist political maneuverings work to limit voting rights — and the ways that activists are fighting to restore them

Complete with a discussion guide, photographs, and information about becoming involved as a teen during elections, this is an essential explanation of the history of voting rights — and a call to action for a better future. [Description from the publisher.]

ISBN : 9781547601530 | Bloomsbury

The post One Person, No Vote (YA edition): How Not All Voters Are Treated Equally appeared first on Zinn Education Project.

High school student protagonist Marva Sheridan has been a voting rights activist all her life. She is well versed in the history of the Civil Rights Movement, even naming her cat Selma.

The story begins on the morning of the first election when Marva is old enough to vote herself. At the polling place, she intervenes when another student (Duke) is being turned away. The two end up skipping school to pursue not only Duke’s right to vote, but in the process to also organize to get other people to the polls.

This is a wonderful introduction for young people to a myriad of voter suppression tactics and the importance of everyone (including high school students) playing a role in defending voting rights.

Author Brandy Colbert is committed to people’s history, having also collaborated with Jeanne Theoharis on the forthcoming young readers’ version of The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks.

ISBN: 9781368053297 | Disney-Hyperion

The post The Voting Booth appeared first on Zinn Education Project.

The school day begins with a salute to the flag, Rochester, New York, March 1943. By Ralph Amdursky. Source: Library of Congress

Shortly before the election, right wing scholars at the White House Conference on American History took aim at the Zinn Education Project and the New York Times 1619 Project. President Trump singled out historian Howard Zinn for attack: “Our children are instructed from propaganda tracts, like those of Howard Zinn, that try to make students ashamed of their own history.”

President Trump has been defeated, but the attack on teaching people’s history continues.

Please donate to help us expose how this campaign is playing out in Mississippi —
and to offer Mississippi educators an alternative.

Mississippi Gov. Tate Reeves’ new budget calls for $3 million for a “Patriotic Education Fund,” which declares that “the United States is the greatest country in the history of the world,” and promises to reward schools that combat the “revisionist history” that is “poisoning a generation.” Reeves’ budget proposal denounces the supposed “indoctrination in far-left socialist teachings that emphasize America’s shortcomings,” and demands that the curriculum instead focus on “the incredible accomplishments of the American Way.”

The language in the new budget echoes legislation proposed in Arkansas in 2017, which would have banned books by Howard Zinn in public schools. Teachers and librarians throughout the state responded with a resounding no to censorship, and the bill failed to get out of committee.

With more than 400 teachers in Mississippi signed up at the Zinn Education Project to access our people’s history lessons, the governor’s budget will face a similar challenge.

Make a donation to support teachers in Mississippi and throughout the United States, as they defend the right to teach people’s history and critical thinking.

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Count Them One by One is a comprehensive account of the groundbreaking case written by one of the Justice Department’s trial attorneys. Gordon A. Martin, Jr., then a newly minted lawyer, traveled to Hattiesburg from Washington to help shape the federal case against Lynd. He met with and prepared the government’s 16 courageous Black witnesses who had been refused registration, found white witnesses, and served as one of the lawyers during the trial.

Decades later, Martin returned to Mississippi to find these brave men and women he had never forgotten. He interviewed the still-living witnesses, their children, and friends. Martin intertwines these current reflections with vivid commentary about the case itself. The result is an impassioned, cogent fusion of reportage, oral history, and memoir about a trial that fundamentally reshaped liberty and the South. [Publisher’s description.]

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Credit: Senator-Elect Rev. Raphael Warnock Campaign (left) and Tyler Merbler via Flickr (right)

Being a teacher wasn’t easy last week. As the terrifying attempted coup took place on Wednesday, educators struggled to show up for students, to hit the right tone in class on Thursday and Friday.

They neither ignored the headlines nor rushed to “teach” events that were still unfolding, but provided students space and support for questions, discussion, and sharing.

We salute you.

In the coming days, educators will take time to reflect on how to provide students a fuller, more robust context for what happened and for the years ahead. Trump may be leaving, but the deep roots of Trumpism — white supremacy, nationalism, nativism — will continue to demand our activism and attention.

Below are some suggestions for framing this current moment.

The Long Struggle for Voting Rights: Do Not Erase the Victory in Georgia

Stephen Melkisethian via Flickr

On January 5th, two new Democratic lawmakers from Georgia were elected to the U.S. Senate, one of whom will be only the 11th African American senator in our history.

This victory was won through the tireless, smart, and creative organizing of voting rights activists, led by Black women like Stacey Abrams, Deborah Scott, Felicia Davis, Helen Butler, Nse Ufot, and countless others in organizations such as the New Georgia Project, Black Voters Matter, Fair Fight, Mijente, and more.

Teach students about grassroots anti-racist organizing and the long struggle for voting rights.

We recommend Teaching SNCC: The Organization at the Heart of the Civil Rights Revolution, a series of role plays that explore the history and evolution of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, including freedom rides and voter registration, and Who Gets to Vote? Teaching About the Struggle for Voting Rights in the United States, a unit with three lessons on voting rights, including the history of the struggle against voter suppression.

Political Violence to Undermine Democracy in the United States Is Not New: #TeachReconstruction

Colfax Massacre in Colfax, Louisiana.

This week we heard from a teacher whose students, in the midst of a unit on Reconstruction, connected the victory in Georgia and the white supremacists at the Capitol seeking to stop the certification of Joe Biden’s election.

Indeed, January 6th was a snapshot of a larger pattern in U.S. history. Again and again, advancements in the freedom of Black people are met with white violence and an upsurge in white supremacist organizing. Reconstruction is a critical example.

Teach students about Reconstruction as a period of multiracial, democratic possibility undone — though not completely — by white supremacist terror.

Through the Teach Reconstruction Campaign, we offer lessons, a student project to make Reconstruction history visible in their communities, recommended teaching guides, student-friendly books, primary document collections, and films. Massacres in U.S. history were often designed to suppress the political power of African Americans. Study the history of the Wilmington, Hamburg, Colfax, and Ocoee Massacres and many more.

Where Do We Go from Here?

The House of Representatives may impeach President Trump for his role in inciting last week’s Capitol insurrection. A few Republican officials have joined Democrats in decrying the president’s conduct, although many politicians call for “reunifying” the country.

After the Civil War, elites devoted themselves to bringing traitorous Confederates back into the fold rather than delivering reparations for African Americans who had suffered 250 years of unspeakable abuse — and theft.

Teach students about the long movement for reparations, in the United States and elsewhere, to help them reflect on what a path toward justice might look like today.

In Repair: Students Design a Reparations Bill, students take on the role of activist-experts to improve upon a Congressional bill for reparations for Black people. In How to Make Amends: A Lesson on Reparations, students meet dozens of advocates and recipients of reparations from a variety of historical eras to grapple with the possibility of reparations now and in the future.

These are just a few of the issues surfaced by the events of last week. Check out additional lessons below and throughout this website on white supremacy, terrorism, the media, voting rights, and more.

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Atlanta, Georgia. A sit-in at the Toddle House with Taylor Washington, Ivanhoe Donaldson, Joyce Ladner, John Lewis, Judy Richardson, George Green, and Chico Neblett. 1964. Source: Danny Lyon/Magnum Photos.

“That’s the problem with Black Lives Matter! We need a strong leader like Martin Luther King!” Tyriq shouted as I wrote King’s name on the board.

Find more remote-ready lessons here and refer to our remote teaching guide.

I started my unit on the Civil Rights Movement by asking my high school students to list every person or organization they knew was involved. They replied with several familiar names: Martin Luther King Jr., Rosa Parks, Malcolm X, Emmett Till. Occasionally a student knew an organization: the NAACP or the Black Panther Party.

“Has anyone ever heard of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee?” I asked while writing the acronym on the board.

“S-N-C-C?” students sounded out as my black Expo marker moved across the whiteboard.

“Have you ever heard of the sit-ins?” I prodded.

“Yeah, weren’t they in Alabama?” Matt answered.

“No, Mississippi! Four students sat down at a lunch counter, right?” Kadiatou proudly declared.

This is usually the extent of my students’ prior knowledge of SNCC, one of the organizations most responsible for pushing the Civil Rights Movement forward. Without the history of SNCC at their disposal, students think of the Civil Rights Movement as one that was dominated by charismatic leaders and not one that involved thousands of young people like themselves. Learning the history of how young students risked their lives to build a multigenerational movement against racism and for political and economic power allows students to draw new conclusions about the lessons of the Civil Rights Movement and how to apply them to today. Continue reading.

Classroom Stories

We did the Teaching SNCC lesson, where students have a SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) meeting to discuss plans and make decisions based on real historical events. I wish people could see how the kids were really strategizing and getting into their roles as SNCC members.

It was so encouraging to me as a teacher to see my students understand the grassroots organizing of the Civil Rights Movement. However, it was even more rewarding to watch them engage with the material in a social, emotional, and critical way. They are not only learning history, they are learning skills that can be applied to real-life scenarios.

—Cristina Tosto

High School U.S. History Teacher, Gulfport, Mississippi

This lesson was originally published in the Winter 2017 issue of Rethinking Schools magazine and is included in the Rethinking Schools publication Teaching for Black Lives.

Adam Sanchez (asanchez@zinnedproject.org) teaches at Lincoln High School in Philadelphia. He is an editor of Rethinking Schools magazine and a Zinn Education Project teacher leader with a focus on the Teach Reconstruction campaign.

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